At 5:30 p.m., on September 26, 2014, a group of 80 students from a teacher training rural college got organized to attend the commemorative demonstrations of the so-called Matanza de Tlatelolco on October 2, 1968 in Mexico City. The meeting point was the center of the municipality of Iguala, Guerrero in the Southeast of Mexico. At 9:30 p.m. municipal, state and federal police attacked the buses that transported the students. At 10:30 p.m. a bus was blocked in front of the municipal government building, 43 students were attacked and disappeared by federal, state and municipal police [1].

Enforced disappearances can be analyzed from the Historical Memory. The social representations that allude to the central meanings of public security and the peripheral symbols of violence have revealed objectification structures (general ideas) and anchoring (appropriation and use) that can be observed in the Ayotzinapa case [2].

From Social Work and, in particular, from its approach to violence and security, the reconstruction of historical memory and its intervention with enforced disappearances such as the case of the 43 students of Ayotzinapa, Iguala, Guerrero (central Mexico ), can be analyzed from the objectification and anchoring of the facts disseminated in the media [3].

The scenarios that legitimize the State are known as risks, threats and vulnerability. Security policies are identified as territorial security, national security, public safety, citizen security and private security [4]. Due to their degree of prevention and targeting. Each of the three scenarios is not only linked to security policies, but also to others that set the guidance of the State.

The rectory of the State can be observed at different levels whenever its propaganda, agenda, representation and trust are analyzed as effects of security policies on citizenship (Table 1).

Although the rectory of the State assumes different degrees of security policies in the face of risks, threats and vulnerabilities, it is possible to notice that dialogue and co-responsibility between the governors and the governed people; the latter seem to distance themselves from the actors by virtue of the fact that private security is replacing the other forms of security [5]. Within the framework of public and citizen security, the difference between spending on security and the crime rate could encourage not only the asymmetries between security policies and social representations of security, but also an imaginary in which the rectory of the State vanishes and is replaced by private security.

Table 1: Effects of the rectory of the State in matters of security.

Source: compiled by authors.

The rectory of the State can be indicated by the amount of the budget destined for security, but if the crime rate reaches high percentages with respect to the sample of inhabitants, then the budget indicator vanishes before the galloping increase of the crimes [6]. Based on these discrepancies between security spending and the crime rate, a social representation of the loss of the rectory of the State is forged, which would be indicated by low levels of perceptions and expectations regarding freedom, morality, repression, censorship, dissidence, decency, leadership and justice.

Since the perception of inefficiency and ineffectiveness around security policies is based on the destined expense, the citizenry develops an imaginary that symbolizes the State as a corrupt, indecent, negligent, immoral, nepotistic and repressive instance lacking leadership and management skills as well as administration of the security forces and, consequently, as a producer of injustice [7]. The distrust of citizens in authorities derives not only from the social representations of its lost rectory, but also from the capacity of self-organization and self-management of civil sectors in terms of their private security.

The legitimacy of the rectory of the State is questioned and, therefore, symbolized as a corrupt instance, since it delegates responsibilities to the civil sectors organized in self-defense or self-management of their own private security [8]. In this scenario of risk, threat and vulnerability of political and social actors, the events of humanity or enforced disappearance evidence the absence of the ruling State and the emergence of social representations as indicators of the self-organization of civil society.

The project was encouraged by contemporary discussions about the attention to victims as a pending issue in social policies and services for peacemaking with an emphasis on victim care [9].

However, it was necessary to establish the social representations around the 43 disappeared teacher training college students, since these arise from the establishment of a public agenda by spreading a social imaginary centered on rhetorical figures such as "they were taken alive, we want them alive”, or, "it was the State" [10].

That is to say that the event has had such a scope that it was not only an event of global mobilization in favor of the victims, the relatives of the 43 disappeared teacher training college students, but also an official propaganda of the State that focuses its interest in demonstrating "the historical truth” has been generated as well as the emergence of counter-propaganda focused on demonstrating the responsibility of local and federal government [11].

Both announcements have been disseminated in the national and international media, promoting the emergence of a social thought in which justice is synonymous with live presentation of the disappeared, or the demarcation of responsibilities of political actors [12].

Therefore, both advertisements formed a public agenda in which the central themes were

• The live presentation of the disappeared.
• The demarcation of responsibilities.
• The credibility of the state's propaganda and the counter-propaganda of civil society.

The legitimacy of the expert versions, but the attention to victims seems to be a peripheral issue [13].

While social and mediatic political actors have focused on the plausibility of the tests with the purpose of defining responsibilities and launching accusations, the relatives and friends of the 43 disappeared have been left out of the case [14].

Such situation is of great importance for Social Work because this discipline measures conflicts between political and social actors, but when the media are involved, the study of social representations implies a more accurate diagnosis [15].

Crimes against humanity are often addressed by their political essence, since the State is conceptualized as a Leviathan capable of procuring security and preventing crime, as well as guaranteeing social peace, excluding social actors [16].

Social Work is, hence, the discipline devoted to the study of conflicts between governors and the governed people with respect to public safety and social peace with an emphasis on victim assistance through mediation. The history of the discipline evidences its development, which ranges from considering civil society as defenseless people to assuming them as protagonists of their security.

Regarding the State, the discipline of social work has advanced in its analysis from the rectory of public security to the investigation of its corruption, negligence, opacity, nepotism or discretion processes that inhibit the construction of social peace, national reconciliation or the vindication of violated sectors.

Based on these considerations, this report presents the history of the rectory of the State in security matters, reviewing territorial, national, public, citizen and private security models in order to discuss their relevance in the case of the 43 teacher training college students disappeared [11].

Next, the events of the Ayotzinapa case are chronologically described to establish the axes and central themes in the agendas of the media, their relationship with the public opinion and the establishment of the public agenda on security issues [17].

Subsequently, the results of the study are presented following a hypothetical deductive logic about how the social representations of the sample surveyed are derived from the systematic dissemination of the topics established in the public agenda on the Ayotzinapa case [18].

Therefore, in the subsequent chapter the intervention models of Social Work are presented with the purpose of discussing their scope and limits in the solution of the conflict and the construction of a public peace agenda, as well as the recognition of the victims and their mourning process [19].

Finally, an alternative solution to the conflict between the authorities and dissident sectors of civil society is offered through a mediation device, although irreconcilable positions are observed between security policies and civil initiatives, pacification is a latent scenario that can be reached with the help of political, social and media actors.

The objective of this study is to explain the social representations around the case of the 43 students who disappeared the night of September 26, 2014. Although six people died and 25 were injured, the social imaginary focuses on the kidnapped teacher-training college students.

For Full Aticle go through this link: https://www.pubtexto.com/pdf/?review-of-reconstruction-of-the-ayotzinapa-iguala-guerrero-central-mexico-case